Germany’s apprehension about sending weaponry to Ukraine.

Germany’s apprehension about sending weaponry to Ukraine is founded in history, as is the country’s energy policy.

Some allies have been irritated by Germany’s hesitation to join other NATO members in delivering weaponry to Ukraine, raising questions about Berlin’s willingness to stand up to Russia.

Following reports that Berlin had gone so far as to prevent Estonia from delivering ancient German howitzers to Kyiv to assist defend itself against Russian forces massing along the Ukrainian border, the topic resurfaced over the weekend.

Ukraine’s foreign minister, Dmytro Kuleba, said on Twitter that Germany’s stance on military sales “does not correspond to the level of our relations and the current security situation.”

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, speaking to media in Berlin on Monday, denied that a decision on the howitzers had been made, insisting that his country stands with its NATO and European Union allies in opposing any Russian aggression into Ukraine.

“If this situation arises, we will act together,” he told reporters. “It would come at a heavy cost.”

While Germany would continue to assist Ukraine, he noted that there would be one exception: “We do not give any lethal weaponry.”

That approach, which has been chastised in Kyiv and — less loudly — in Washington and London, has alarmed some Germans, who fear that their country will no longer be seen as a trusted ally.

“How many in Berlin understand how our muddled Ukraine policy damages not just (Germany), but the entire EU?” Wolfgang Ischinger, Germany’s former ambassador to the United States and currently the director of the biennial Munich Security Conference, was posed this question.

Germany’s viewpoint, according to experts, is founded in the country’s ignominious history of aggression during the twentieth century.

“The obvious legacy of Germany’s own militarization in Europe during two world wars has led many German leaders to regard any military response as a last resort,” said Rachel Ellehuus, deputy director of the Center for Strategic and International Studies’ Europe, Russia, and Eurasia program in Washington.

She believes that attitude could backfire. “The present administration appears to be unaware that supplying defensive weapons to Ukraine could really deter further Russian aggression.”

While Germany has previously emphasized its stringent stance on arms shipments to conflict zones, critics claim that the regulation has not been consistently followed.

“There have always been questionable cases here,” Sabine Fischer, a senior Russia expert at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, said. “For example, the Kosovo war or backing for the Kurds against IS in Syria.”

The discussion about German armaments erupted just days after the head of the German navy resigned in the face of domestic and international criticism for comments he made about Ukraine and Russia. Vice Admiral Kay-Achim Schoenbach, speaking at an event in India on Friday, said it was critical to have Russia on the same side against China, and that Russian President Vladimir Putin deserved “respect.”

Scholz’s Social Democrats are immersed in the memory of Willy Brandt’s Cold War reconciliation, and the Greens are founded in a heritage of pacifism, thus two of Germany’s three ruling parties would oppose supplying armaments to a non-NATO country in a fight with Russia. Allowing Estonia to keep the outdated Soviet-designed 122-mm D-30 howitzers is a different story.

Annalena Baerbock, Germany’s foreign minister, made it plain that, despite her reservations about sending armaments to Ukraine, Berlin is concerned about Russia’s behavior.

“For no apparent reason, over 100,000 Russian troops with tanks and artillery have congregated near Ukraine in recent weeks. “It’s difficult not to regard that as a threat,” she stated recently during a visit to Moscow.

Speaking alongside her Russian counterpart, whom she addressed as “dear colleague,” Baerbock acknowledged the “suffering and destruction” that “we Germans brought upon the peoples of the Soviet Union” during the Nazi era, but warned that if Russia acts against Ukraine, Germany would be willing to take tough measures.

This includes casting doubt on the proposed Nord Stream 2 pipeline, which would transport much-needed natural gas from Russia to Germany.

Germany would pay a significant price for such an action against its largest energy provider.

Germany’s reliance on gas will increase in the short term until enough renewable energy comes online, according to Georg Zachmann, a senior scholar at the Bruegel economic think tank in Brussels. Germany wants to shut down its last three nuclear power facilities this year and phase out coal use by 2030.

However, German officials feel that being a significant client of Russian gas will provide them power, as Moscow will not want to jeopardize its decades-long reputation as a reliable gas supplier.

At a meeting of EU foreign ministers in Brussels on Monday, Baerbock stated that the German government’s top objective is to de-escalate the situation in Ukraine, putting a stop to allies’ calls for military help to Kyiv and fresh sanctions against Russia.

“Berlin will have to cope with criticism from Ukraine, other European countries, and the United States,” Fischer added. “At the same time, Germany remains a key actor in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict negotiations, and I expect it to continue to support sanctions and other measures in the future.”